Our mission is to build Africa and Uganda in particular by illuminating the tribulations this continent is facing. We have no political or religious affiliation.
Wednesday, August 25, 2010
Saturday, August 7, 2010
Monday, July 12, 2010
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Thursday, June 17, 2010
Tuesday, June 15, 2010
Monday, May 31, 2010
Sinkhole in Guatemala City
This astonishingly unnerving photograph was posted today on the Flickr.com feed of the Guatemalan goverment and shows a seemingly bottomless sinkhole that opened up on Sunday in Guatemala City as a swath of Central America was drenched by tropical storm Agatha. More at NYTIMES.COM
Friday, May 28, 2010
Where men are kings and women, mere vessels
A young woman with a weary look sits at the doorstep of a crumbling manyatta in Lolochat.
Her exhaustion typifies the misery faced by thousands of women in Karamoja sub-region where the tradition does not give them an opportunity to be heard.
“Life is hard for us here as women. Whereas men find solace on their stools, women are expected to go to the gardens to look for food, if the huts (manyattas) leak, we are expected to repair besides building them but amidst all this you are not supposed to attend clan/village meetings and are not expected to divorce even when your husband does not want you anymore. In this tradition, men are kings,” said Ms Anna Ayopo.
Although the country is waiting for the Domestic Relations Bill, Ms Ayopo says the Karimojong, a cluster of culturally related people is stuck strongly to their traditional and cultural values governed by the traditional justice system that has seen many a woman oppressed, many a people hanged for committing petty crimes and others jailed in a pit dug in the ground as punishment.
“The issue here is not whether it is good or not for women, but as long as men deem it good. And this explains why defilement is not an issue here and even as I speak to you, I am not safe,” says Ms Ayopo.
Karimojong women, who are not allowed to attend clan meetings but must stay away and be communicated to by the men, have been victims of domestic violence. The situation is grave and there is widespread agitation for change in the attitudes, laws and social values which have combined to keep Karimojong women in agony.
In Karamoja, victims of domestic violence have concussions, bruises, broken bones, permanent damage to joints, hearing and vision impairment, miscarriages, complicated deliveries, still birth and rupture of internal organs, among others.
Apparently, despite its gravity amongst a section of the Karimojong who have gone to school, domestic violence is by far the most hidden social crime in the sub-region.
Whereas it is hidden due to the social values attached to men-women relations where men are perceived to be supreme beings in the sub-region, the constitution of Ugandaand international conventions which Uganda has ratified clearly relate men and women as equal partners. This is not true in Karamoja sub-region where tradition rules.
Mr Michael Edikoi, the head of Nakapiripirit District’s community based services says although women have been speaking about emanicipation, empowering the ordinary women to engage with public policy to ensure that their needs are catered for in local government programmes, in Karamoja it is not known and women have remained at the mercy of the men.
He revealed that apart from thinking about cattle, the Karimojong are reluctant to participate in activities for positive change and that the girls resent formal education for cultural and traditional reasons.
“And many of the Karimjong view formal education as a means of interfering with their lifestyle and attitude. This explains why there are low numbers of enrolment in formal schools within Karamoja sub-region even with government free education for all in primary and secondary schools,” said Mr Edikoi.
He revealed that Karimojong girls are kept at home to help in domestic chores and to also prepare them for marriage in a cultural way which makes her fetch a high bride price, usually up to 60 head of cattle.
Mr Felix Oroma, an advocate at the centre for legal assistance in Karamoja says because of its remoteness many Karimajongs still live traditional lifestyles governed by traditional rules and customs.
Mr Aroma who has started Karimoja Law Chambers in Nakapiriprit, the first of its kind, has opted to serve his people within the same region. He is the first person to try to disrupt the traditional judicial system that has persisted in Karamoja for over 100 years.
He heads daily for the villages with local NGO, Association for World Education (Uganda Chapter) that is involved in changing the lifestyle of the Karimojong through preaching rule of law and democracy to teach human rights, emancipation of women, and the constitution; all strange ideals to the traditional Karimojong.
“I appreciate and have interest in our traditions and customs because they are the preserve of our historical link but I am determined at the same time to help my people change to the modern judicial system so that human rights can be respected here,” says Aroma
Monday, May 17, 2010
Sunday, April 25, 2010
Tuesday, March 23, 2010
Friday, March 19, 2010
Uganda Today under President Yoweri Museveni
'One Look is Worth A Thousand Words' by Fred r Barnard 1921
Wednesday, March 17, 2010
Kasubi Tombs go up in flames
KASUBI Tombs were last night burnt by fire, whose origin was not immediately established. The Police Fire Brigade rushed to the scene but its efforts to put out the raging fire at the traditional burial grounds of Buganda kings were disrupted by a crowd.
About 6 kilometers from the city centre, lies one of the seven wonders of Uganda ,this is on the main road heading to hoima. Magnificent, awesome, amazing are some of the words that tourists use to describe the kasubi tombs. It always surprise many to learn that kasubi tombs was once a palace which belonged to Ssekabaka muteesa 1. Muteesa ruled Buganda from 1856 to 1884. he built many palaces like at Nakawa( Nakatema) from there he built another palace at Lubaga place was called Namirembe.
He dropped the name being a lady’s name and he named the hill lubaga which name belonged to an adjacent hill and he gave the adjacent hill the name Namirembe.(names were switched). On February 21st of 1882, smallpox and plague which had attacked the Buganda kingdom, claimed one of the kabaka’s wives. At first, he had thought that the diesese could not kill royals but after that incident, the king had to desert the lubaga palace where small pox had began to claim so many lives.
The kabaka then went to his new palace which was still under construction and that’s Kasubi palace. This was built in a better way than all other palaces he had previously built. Being near his mother’s enclosure at Kazo,the mother was called Muganzilwazza the king ordered his men to make two hills on which he could stand on one and see his mother’s enclosure(Lusaka) and on another one to monitor the enclosure of his wives. Each county chief had to bring soil from his county.
These two hills are called LWABUSAGALA and KYEKULIDDE. It is said that Nakulabye a city suburb, also got its name from these to hills because the king on monitoring his wives while stnding on one of the hills, he could see the men who were trying to flirt with his wives. He could then call these me latter and since they dint suspect that the king hafd seen then, they could try to plead innocent but the king could just say, NAKULABYE meaning that “I saw you”. Where the present Nakulabye stands now, was the wives’ enclosure.
The present hut like structure was turned into a tomb after king Muteesa 1 had ordered his people to bury him there. Muteesa 1 died on 19th 0ctober 1884 and was succeeded by his son Mwanga in the same year. Mwanga who died in exile in Seychelles islands in 1903 was also buried at the Kasubi tombs. During the reign of Muteesa ’s grandson, Daudi Chwa, the tombs were renovated.
On entering the courtyard, visitors are immediately captured by the beauty of the thick thatched roof which extends all the way down to the ground. Entrance to the Muzibu-Azaala-Mpanga is through a low, wide arch flanked on both sides by richly woven reeds. The inside is partitioned using a huge bark cloth which secludes the “sacred forest” where the four royal graves lie. Entrance to the “sacred forest” is limited to the widows of the Kabakas, the royal family, the Naalinya, and Katikkiro. The inside of the house is adorned with power insignias such as drums, spears, shields, medals, and photographs of the Kabakas buried there. The floor is covered with a thick layer of lemon grass and palm leaves mats. The whole structure is supported by gigantic straight wooden poles wrapped in bark cloth. This creates a striking impression of harmony and power.
The Muzibu-Azaala-Mpanga is circular in plan and has a dome-like shape. The main building that can be seen today was rebuilt in 1882 by Kabaka Mutesa I. The first palace originally built by Mutesa I’s father, Kabaka Suuna II in 1820 does not exist anymore.
Its massive scale can be seen in its external diameter of 31 meters and an internal height of 7.5 meters. Illustration of the plan of Muzibu Azaala Mpanga
Sunday, March 7, 2010
Feingold Statement on the Fragile State of Democracy in Africa
For the Congressional Record
Tuesday, March 2, 2010
Mr. President, I’d like to note the many challenges to democracy we are seeing across Africa today. I have long said that promoting and supporting democratic institutions should be a key tenet of our engagement with Africa, as good governance is essential to Africa’s stability and its prosperity. Africans are well aware of this and that is why we have seen spirited democratic movements throughout the continent, even against great odds. It is also why African leaders have committed at the African Union with the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance that they will work to enforce “the right to participate in free, credible and democratic political processes.”
The previous administration spoke often about its commitment to promote democracy in Africa and throughout the world. The current administration too has committed to encourage strong and sustainable democratic governments, though it has rightly acknowledged that democracy is about more than holding elections. In his speech in Ghana, President Obama said, “America will not seek to impose any system of government on any nation – the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance – on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved…”
Mr. President, I agree that we must take a more holistic approach in our efforts to promote and support democracy. Democracy is not just about a single event every few years; it is also about an ongoing process of governance that is accountable and responsive to the needs and will of citizens. And it is about citizens having the space, encouragement, and ability to educate themselves, mobilize and participate in that process. We must help countries build such institutions and encourage such space. And we must be willing to speak out against erosions of democratic rights and freedoms – and not only once a country reaches a crisis point such as a coup.
Mr. President, while some African countries have made great democratic strides, I am concerned about the fragile state of democracy on the continent, especially within a number of countries set to hold elections over the next 15 months. In particular, I am concerned by the democratic backsliding in several countries that are close U.S. partners and influential regional actors. It is notable that the Director of National Intelligence included a section on “stalled democratization” in Africa in his public testimony last month to the Senate Intelligence Committee on annual threat assessments. He stated, “The number of African states holding elections continues to grow although few have yet to develop strong, enduring democratic institutions and traditions. In many cases the ‘winner-take- all’ ethos predominates and risks exacerbating ethnic, regional, and political divisions.”
Elections are only one component of the democratic process, but still they are a significant one. The pre- and post-elections periods in many countries are ones in which democratic space and institutions are most clearly tested and face the greatest strains. They can be the periods in which democracy is at its best, but they can also be the periods in which democracy faces some of its greatest threats. This is the case not only in Africa; this is the case here in the United States and that is why I have worked tirelessly to limit the power of wealthy interests to unduly influence our elections.
Among those African countries scheduled to hold national elections in 2010 are Ethiopia, Sudan, Togo, Central African Republic, Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania and Burkina Faso. Guinea, Madagascar, and Niger, three countries that have recently had coups, have also committed to hold elections this year. And in early 2011, Benin, Djibouti, Uganda, Nigeria and Chad are all scheduled to hold elections.
Mr. President, of all these elections, Sudan’s is already receiving significant attention, and for good reason. That election – the country’s first multiparty one in 24 years – has the potential to be a historic step toward political transformation in Sudan if it is credible. However, restrictions on opposition parties and the continued insecurity in Darfur have many doubting whether the conditions even exist for credible elections. Furthermore, increasing violence within southern Sudan is very worrying. In any case, the results of Sudan’s election in April will have a great influence on political dynamics within the country and region for years to come and will pave the way for southern Sudan’s vote on self-determination, set for January 2011. The international community is rightly keeping a close eye on these elections, and we need to continue supporting efforts to make them credible and be prepared to speak out against any abuses or rigging.
Similarly, we need to keep a close eye on the other African countries holding important elections this year. Let me highlight four countries whose upcoming elections I believe also merit close attention and specific international engagement.
The first is Ethiopia, which is set to hold elections in May. In his testimony, the Director of National Intelligence stated, “In Ethiopia, Prime Minister Meles and his party appear intent on preventing a repeat of the relatively open 2005 election which produced a strong opposition showing.” Indeed, in Ethiopia, democratic space has been diminishing steadily since 2005. Over the last two years, the Ethiopian Parliament has passed several new laws granting broad discretionary powers to the government to arrest opponents. One such law, the Charities and Societies Proclamation, imposes direct government controls over civil society and bars any civil society group receiving more than 10 percent of its funding from international sources to do work related to human rights, gender equality, the rights of the disabled, children’s rights or conflict resolution. Another law, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, defines terrorism-related crimes so broadly that they could extend to non-violent forms of political dissent and protest.
Mr. President, Ethiopia is an important partner of the United States and we share many interests. We currently provide hundreds of millions of dollars in aid annually to Ethiopia. That is why I have been so concerned and outspoken about these repressive measures. And that is why I believe we have a stake in ensuring that Ethiopia’s democratic process moves forward, not backward. With the elections just three months away, several key opposition leaders remain imprisoned, most notably Birtukan Mideksa, the head of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. There is no way that elections can be fair, let alone credible, with opposition leaders in jail or unable to campaign freely. At the bare minimum, the international community should push for the release of these political prisoners ahead of the elections. And if nothing changes, we should not be afraid to stand with the Ethiopian people and state clearly that an election in name only is an affront to their country’s democratic aspirations.
The second country I want to highlight is Burundi. As many people will recall, Burundi was devastated by political violence throughout the 1990s, leaving over 100,000 people dead. Yet, the country has made tremendous strides in recent years to recover and rebuild from its civil war. In 2005, it held multi-party national and local elections, a major milestone on its transition to peace. Burundians are set to head to the polls again this year. If these elections are fair, free and peaceful, they have the potential to be another milestone along the path toward reconciliation, lasting stability and democratic institutions. This would be good not only for Burundi, but also for the whole of Central Africa. Burundians deserve international support and encouragement as they strive for that goal.
Still, many challenges remain. The tensions that fed and were fueled by Burundi’s civil war have not entirely gone away. And there is some evidence that the parties continue to use the tools of war to pursue their political goals. According to a report by the International Crisis Group last month, “opposition parties are facing harassment and intimidation from police and the ruling party’s youth wing and appear to be choosing to respond to violence with violence.” Furthermore, there continue to be reports that the National Intelligence Service is being used by the ruling party to destabilize the opposition. If these trends continue, they could taint Burundi’s elections and set back its peace process. The international community, which has played a big role in Burundi’s peace process, cannot wait until a month before the election to speak out and engage the parties these issues. We need to do it now.
Mr. President, Burundi’s neighbor to the north, Rwanda, is also slated to hold important elections this summer. Rwanda is another country that has come a long way. Since the genocide in 1994, the government and people of Rwanda have made impressive accomplishments in rebuilding the country and improving basic services. It is notable that Rwanda was the top reformer worldwide in the 2010 World Bank’s “Doing Business Report.” President Kagame has shown commendable and creative leadership in this respect. On the democratic front, however, Rwanda still has a long way to go.
Understandably there are real challenges to fostering democracy some 15 years after the genocide, but it is troubling that there is not more space within Rwanda for criticism and opposition voices. The State Department’s 2008 Human Rights Report for Rwanda stated, “There continued to be limits on freedom of speech and of association, and restrictions on the press increased.” With elections looming, there are now some reports that opposition party members in Rwanda are facing increasing threats and harassment. The international community should not shy away from pushing for greater democratic space in Rwanda, which is critical for the country’s lasting stability. We fail to be true friends to the Rwandan people if we do not stand with them in the fight against renewed abuse of civil and political rights. In the next few months in the run-up to the elections, it is a key time for international donors to raise these issues with Kigali.
Mr. President, finally I would like to talk about Uganda, which is set to hold elections in February 2011. Uganda, like Rwanda, is a close friend of the United States, and we have worked together on many joint initiatives over recent years. President Museveni deserves credit for his leadership on many issues both within the country and the wider region. However, at the same time, Museveni’s legacy has been tainted by his failure to allow democracy to take hold in Uganda. Uganda’s most recent elections have been hurt by reports of fraud, intimidation and politically motivated prosecutions of opposition candidates. The Director of National Intelligence stated in his testimony that Uganda remains essentially a “one-party state” and said the government “is not undertaking democratic reforms in advance of the elections scheduled for 2011.”
Uganda’s elections next year could be a defining moment for the country and will have ramifications for the country’s long-term stability. The riots in Buganda last September showed that regional and ethnic tensions remain strong in many parts of the country. Therefore, it is important that the United States and other friends of Uganda work with that country’s leaders to ensure critical electoral reforms are enacted. In the consolidated appropriations act that passed in December, Congress provided significant assistance for Uganda, but also specifically directed the Secretary of State “to closely monitor preparations for the 2011 elections in Uganda and to actively promote…the independence of the election commission; the need for an accurate and verifiable voter registry; the announcement and posting of results at the polling stations; the freedom of movement and assembly and a process free of intimidation; freedom of the media; and the security and protection of candidates.”
Mr. President, again these challenges are not unique to Africa. Here in the United States, we too have to work constantly to ensure the integrity of our elections and our democratic processes. But I believe these upcoming elections in a number of African states could have major ramifications for the overall trajectory of democracy on the continent as well as for issues of regional security. I also believe several of these elections could significantly impact U.S. policy and strategic partnerships on the continent. For that reason, I do not believe we can wait until weeks or days before these elections to start focusing on them. We need to start engaging well in advance and helping to pave the way for truly democratic institutions and the consolidation of democracy. This includes aligning with democratic actors that speak out against repressive measures that erode political and civil rights. The Obama administration has done this well in some cases, but we need to do it more consistently and effectively. In the coming months, I hope to work with the administration to ensure we have a clear policy and the resources to that end
The previous administration spoke often about its commitment to promote democracy in Africa and throughout the world. The current administration too has committed to encourage strong and sustainable democratic governments, though it has rightly acknowledged that democracy is about more than holding elections. In his speech in Ghana, President Obama said, “America will not seek to impose any system of government on any nation – the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance – on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved…”
Mr. President, I agree that we must take a more holistic approach in our efforts to promote and support democracy. Democracy is not just about a single event every few years; it is also about an ongoing process of governance that is accountable and responsive to the needs and will of citizens. And it is about citizens having the space, encouragement, and ability to educate themselves, mobilize and participate in that process. We must help countries build such institutions and encourage such space. And we must be willing to speak out against erosions of democratic rights and freedoms – and not only once a country reaches a crisis point such as a coup.
Mr. President, while some African countries have made great democratic strides, I am concerned about the fragile state of democracy on the continent, especially within a number of countries set to hold elections over the next 15 months. In particular, I am concerned by the democratic backsliding in several countries that are close U.S. partners and influential regional actors. It is notable that the Director of National Intelligence included a section on “stalled democratization” in Africa in his public testimony last month to the Senate Intelligence Committee on annual threat assessments. He stated, “The number of African states holding elections continues to grow although few have yet to develop strong, enduring democratic institutions and traditions. In many cases the ‘winner-take- all’ ethos predominates and risks exacerbating ethnic, regional, and political divisions.”
Elections are only one component of the democratic process, but still they are a significant one. The pre- and post-elections periods in many countries are ones in which democratic space and institutions are most clearly tested and face the greatest strains. They can be the periods in which democracy is at its best, but they can also be the periods in which democracy faces some of its greatest threats. This is the case not only in Africa; this is the case here in the United States and that is why I have worked tirelessly to limit the power of wealthy interests to unduly influence our elections.
Among those African countries scheduled to hold national elections in 2010 are Ethiopia, Sudan, Togo, Central African Republic, Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania and Burkina Faso. Guinea, Madagascar, and Niger, three countries that have recently had coups, have also committed to hold elections this year. And in early 2011, Benin, Djibouti, Uganda, Nigeria and Chad are all scheduled to hold elections.
Mr. President, of all these elections, Sudan’s is already receiving significant attention, and for good reason. That election – the country’s first multiparty one in 24 years – has the potential to be a historic step toward political transformation in Sudan if it is credible. However, restrictions on opposition parties and the continued insecurity in Darfur have many doubting whether the conditions even exist for credible elections. Furthermore, increasing violence within southern Sudan is very worrying. In any case, the results of Sudan’s election in April will have a great influence on political dynamics within the country and region for years to come and will pave the way for southern Sudan’s vote on self-determination, set for January 2011. The international community is rightly keeping a close eye on these elections, and we need to continue supporting efforts to make them credible and be prepared to speak out against any abuses or rigging.
Similarly, we need to keep a close eye on the other African countries holding important elections this year. Let me highlight four countries whose upcoming elections I believe also merit close attention and specific international engagement.
The first is Ethiopia, which is set to hold elections in May. In his testimony, the Director of National Intelligence stated, “In Ethiopia, Prime Minister Meles and his party appear intent on preventing a repeat of the relatively open 2005 election which produced a strong opposition showing.” Indeed, in Ethiopia, democratic space has been diminishing steadily since 2005. Over the last two years, the Ethiopian Parliament has passed several new laws granting broad discretionary powers to the government to arrest opponents. One such law, the Charities and Societies Proclamation, imposes direct government controls over civil society and bars any civil society group receiving more than 10 percent of its funding from international sources to do work related to human rights, gender equality, the rights of the disabled, children’s rights or conflict resolution. Another law, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, defines terrorism-related crimes so broadly that they could extend to non-violent forms of political dissent and protest.
Mr. President, Ethiopia is an important partner of the United States and we share many interests. We currently provide hundreds of millions of dollars in aid annually to Ethiopia. That is why I have been so concerned and outspoken about these repressive measures. And that is why I believe we have a stake in ensuring that Ethiopia’s democratic process moves forward, not backward. With the elections just three months away, several key opposition leaders remain imprisoned, most notably Birtukan Mideksa, the head of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. There is no way that elections can be fair, let alone credible, with opposition leaders in jail or unable to campaign freely. At the bare minimum, the international community should push for the release of these political prisoners ahead of the elections. And if nothing changes, we should not be afraid to stand with the Ethiopian people and state clearly that an election in name only is an affront to their country’s democratic aspirations.
The second country I want to highlight is Burundi. As many people will recall, Burundi was devastated by political violence throughout the 1990s, leaving over 100,000 people dead. Yet, the country has made tremendous strides in recent years to recover and rebuild from its civil war. In 2005, it held multi-party national and local elections, a major milestone on its transition to peace. Burundians are set to head to the polls again this year. If these elections are fair, free and peaceful, they have the potential to be another milestone along the path toward reconciliation, lasting stability and democratic institutions. This would be good not only for Burundi, but also for the whole of Central Africa. Burundians deserve international support and encouragement as they strive for that goal.
Still, many challenges remain. The tensions that fed and were fueled by Burundi’s civil war have not entirely gone away. And there is some evidence that the parties continue to use the tools of war to pursue their political goals. According to a report by the International Crisis Group last month, “opposition parties are facing harassment and intimidation from police and the ruling party’s youth wing and appear to be choosing to respond to violence with violence.” Furthermore, there continue to be reports that the National Intelligence Service is being used by the ruling party to destabilize the opposition. If these trends continue, they could taint Burundi’s elections and set back its peace process. The international community, which has played a big role in Burundi’s peace process, cannot wait until a month before the election to speak out and engage the parties these issues. We need to do it now.
Mr. President, Burundi’s neighbor to the north, Rwanda, is also slated to hold important elections this summer. Rwanda is another country that has come a long way. Since the genocide in 1994, the government and people of Rwanda have made impressive accomplishments in rebuilding the country and improving basic services. It is notable that Rwanda was the top reformer worldwide in the 2010 World Bank’s “Doing Business Report.” President Kagame has shown commendable and creative leadership in this respect. On the democratic front, however, Rwanda still has a long way to go.
Understandably there are real challenges to fostering democracy some 15 years after the genocide, but it is troubling that there is not more space within Rwanda for criticism and opposition voices. The State Department’s 2008 Human Rights Report for Rwanda stated, “There continued to be limits on freedom of speech and of association, and restrictions on the press increased.” With elections looming, there are now some reports that opposition party members in Rwanda are facing increasing threats and harassment. The international community should not shy away from pushing for greater democratic space in Rwanda, which is critical for the country’s lasting stability. We fail to be true friends to the Rwandan people if we do not stand with them in the fight against renewed abuse of civil and political rights. In the next few months in the run-up to the elections, it is a key time for international donors to raise these issues with Kigali.
Mr. President, finally I would like to talk about Uganda, which is set to hold elections in February 2011. Uganda, like Rwanda, is a close friend of the United States, and we have worked together on many joint initiatives over recent years. President Museveni deserves credit for his leadership on many issues both within the country and the wider region. However, at the same time, Museveni’s legacy has been tainted by his failure to allow democracy to take hold in Uganda. Uganda’s most recent elections have been hurt by reports of fraud, intimidation and politically motivated prosecutions of opposition candidates. The Director of National Intelligence stated in his testimony that Uganda remains essentially a “one-party state” and said the government “is not undertaking democratic reforms in advance of the elections scheduled for 2011.”
Uganda’s elections next year could be a defining moment for the country and will have ramifications for the country’s long-term stability. The riots in Buganda last September showed that regional and ethnic tensions remain strong in many parts of the country. Therefore, it is important that the United States and other friends of Uganda work with that country’s leaders to ensure critical electoral reforms are enacted. In the consolidated appropriations act that passed in December, Congress provided significant assistance for Uganda, but also specifically directed the Secretary of State “to closely monitor preparations for the 2011 elections in Uganda and to actively promote…the independence of the election commission; the need for an accurate and verifiable voter registry; the announcement and posting of results at the polling stations; the freedom of movement and assembly and a process free of intimidation; freedom of the media; and the security and protection of candidates.”
Mr. President, again these challenges are not unique to Africa. Here in the United States, we too have to work constantly to ensure the integrity of our elections and our democratic processes. But I believe these upcoming elections in a number of African states could have major ramifications for the overall trajectory of democracy on the continent as well as for issues of regional security. I also believe several of these elections could significantly impact U.S. policy and strategic partnerships on the continent. For that reason, I do not believe we can wait until weeks or days before these elections to start focusing on them. We need to start engaging well in advance and helping to pave the way for truly democratic institutions and the consolidation of democracy. This includes aligning with democratic actors that speak out against repressive measures that erode political and civil rights. The Obama administration has done this well in some cases, but we need to do it more consistently and effectively. In the coming months, I hope to work with the administration to ensure we have a clear policy and the resources to that end
Friday, February 5, 2010
Why Museveni Does Not Deserve Agriculture PhD
Christine Bako Abia
Ms Bako is Woman MP for Arua and Maracha-Terego districts and the Shadow Minister for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries.
Ms Bako is Woman MP for Arua and Maracha-Terego districts and the Shadow Minister for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries.
So it's now official. Makerere University Council has approved an award of an Honorary Degree to President Museveni. Reason: His exceptional contribution to promoting agriculture. Nothing could be closer to irony! Here is why.
Documented evidence shows that from 1981 to date, the agricultural sector has registered miserly improvements in real terms. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics reported in 2008 that performance in every agricultural sub-sector declined over almost the entire past decade. The fisheries sub-sector may be ticking at 2.66 but its share to the Gross Domestic Product awfully stands at minus 12.4, according to the National Development Plan, 2009.
The per capital contribution to GDP of food crops, cash crops and livestock have retrogressed to -0.08, -2.5 and 1.98, respectively. This means the overall monetary and non-monetary contribution of agriculture is slipping under watch of the NRM government of which Mr Museveni is the political high priest.
For starters, Uganda government is signatory to the June 2004 Maputo Declaration, whose Point 25 compels approving countries, Uganda inclusive, to allocate 10 per cent of their national budget to agriculture. Earlier in 2003, Uganda acceded to the Banjul (the Gambia) Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) through the APRM/NEPAD vision, embracing a similar commitment.
The government in Kampala has only made good on failing the farmers. Official statistics show that the allocation to agriculture last touched a 10 per cent ceiling of Uganda's national budget 30 years ago - in 1980. The allocation has today plummeted to 3.91 per cent.
It would be poisonous, intellectually tragic, if celebrated academics at Makerere University trade their worth just to appease a President. University professors surely should have a better bargain.
By international standards, some nine million Ugandans live below the poverty line! Life has become increasingly unbearable. Jiggers are still the millstone for a section of our population. One has to be intoxicated to believe the learned professors at Makerere University are no bootlickers by offering to reward the President for practically running down agriculture.
Ironically, NRM ideologues are trumpeting the failed "Prosperity-for-all" scheme, a central plank of President Museveni's 2006 campaign manifesto, as sort of a panacea to deprivations of poor rural households. The scheme assumes that by selecting a particular agricultural enterprise(s), each household would make at least some Shs20 million each year.
"In Uganda Prosperity has not yet been attained...," President Museveni writes in the foreword of the February 2008 Prosperity-for-all policy document. In other words, two years after the last elections, it dawned on the Head of State that his prescribed medication for poor Ugandans wasn't working. Not because it is a bad dose but its architects know not what to do.
It's worrying that this critical sector is being managed - or mismanaged - in a policy vacuum. As the shadow Minister for Agriculture, I recommended in an alternative policy position that a comprehensive national agricultural policy be developed and an agriculture development bank established to provide friendly credit to farmers. The state is also obliged to examine input trade dynamics; provide timely market information and infrastructure to strengthen the backward and forward linkages between the industrial and agricultural sector.
Scrap the NAADS programme and revive real extension service to all farmers through in-the-field and government-employed extension workers, among others.
Ms Bako is Woman MP for Arua and Maracha-Terego districts and the Shadow Minister for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries
Story from allAfrica.com by
Saturday, January 23, 2010
Uganda Police Arrests Women Demonstrators
Police arrest members of IPC women's League
NO ESCAPE: Police arrest one of the demonstrators at the Electoral Commission offices yesterday. PHOTO BY STEPHEN WANDERA
By Gerald Bareebe & Flavia Nalubega
IN SUMMARY
The women, who belong to opposition parties under the Inter-Party Cooperation, marched to the EC office to demand for the resignation of Commission Chairman Eng. Badru Kiggundu and his fellow commissioners.
Kampala
At least 33 opposition supporters – all of them women – were by last evening still under police custody after they tried to force their way into the Electoral Commission headquarters in Kampala.
The women, who belong to opposition parties under the Inter-Party Cooperation, marched to the EC office to demand for the resignation of Commission Chairman Eng. Badru Kiggundu and his fellow commissioners.
It was the first time a women’s group was mobilising against the embattled electoral commissioners who were reappointed last year despite widespread irregularities in the 2006 election which they oversaw.
It was the first time a women’s group was mobilising against the embattled electoral commissioners who were reappointed last year despite widespread irregularities in the 2006 election which they oversaw.
Constitutional right?Opposition pleas
The opposition has rejected the reappointment and the EC office in Kampala is heavily-guarded by the police after previous attempts by opposition youth wingers to demonstrate at the facility.
The police officers were, however, caught off-guard yesterday as the women emerged, one by one, from Centenary Park, opposite the EC office.
Clad in black T-shirts and carrying posters accusing Eng. Kiggundu and his team of seven commissioners of partisan tendencies, the women jumped a short wire fence, and sat under a tree near the EC gate.
“We have come here to express our dissatisfaction with Eng. Kiggundu and his team,” Ms Ingrid Turinawe, the chairperson of the FDC Women’s League and one of the demonstrators, said. “So, you cannot chase us from here because it is our constitutional right. We are not inciting violence but just want to articulate our grievances with EC as concerned women of Uganda.”
The women claimed that they had intended to deliver a petition to Eng. Kiggundu but Police armed with sniffer dogs, teargas and automatic rifles forcefully broke up the sit-down protest and arrested the demonstrators. The women were bundled onto police pick-up vehicles and whisked off to Jinja Road and Central Police stations.
Mr Wandera Ogalo, FDC’s secretary for legal affairs, accused Police of denying the women access to their lawyers. He said about 40 women had been arrested but IPC officials, who visited the women in police cells, saw only 35 women and that police could not reveal where the others were being held.
The Director of Police Operations, Mr Grace Turyagumanawe said yesterday that the women did not have permission to demonstrate at the EC office.
“These ladies wanted to enter EC offices yet no one was expecting visitors of this nature,” he said. “They came one-by-one, trespassed and sat in the grass. We tried to ask them kindly to leave but they refused so we deployed police women to get them away.” However, the police women deployed could not handle the demonstrating women and male officers were called in to assist in the arrest.
“These ladies wanted to enter EC offices yet no one was expecting visitors of this nature,” he said. “They came one-by-one, trespassed and sat in the grass. We tried to ask them kindly to leave but they refused so we deployed police women to get them away.” However, the police women deployed could not handle the demonstrating women and male officers were called in to assist in the arrest.
Besigye visits
FDC President Dr Kizza Besigye and other opposition officials visited the police stations where the detained demonstrators recounted their ordeal. “They forcefully loaded us on police vehicles like sacks of beans even when we had voluntarily accepted arrest,” a tearful Ms Turinawe said. “Some officers were undressing us and touching our thighs as they loaded us on their vehicles.”
FDC President Dr Kizza Besigye and other opposition officials visited the police stations where the detained demonstrators recounted their ordeal. “They forcefully loaded us on police vehicles like sacks of beans even when we had voluntarily accepted arrest,” a tearful Ms Turinawe said. “Some officers were undressing us and touching our thighs as they loaded us on their vehicles.”
Police said yesterday the women are likely to be charged with criminal trespass, unlawful assembly and inciting violence, even as Mr Ogalo petitioned the Law Council to investigate circumstances under which the suspects were allegedly denied access to their lawyers. A re-composition of the EC is one of several reforms that the opposition is demanding for ahead of elections next year.
Uganda Government censoring the Media
This is a clear indication of media censorship in what is supposed to be a democratic county!
The government is telling the media including News Papers, Radio and Television Stations what to say and not to say otherwise they face heavy fines or even closure such as is reported below to the extent of who is allowed to have stake in these enterprises.
See for your self....
The government is telling the media including News Papers, Radio and Television Stations what to say and not to say otherwise they face heavy fines or even closure such as is reported below to the extent of who is allowed to have stake in these enterprises.
See for your self....
Sunday, January 17, 2010
U.S. Senator Calls For Investigation Of Alleged "Attempted Assassination" Of Otunnu , Uganda Opposition Figure
By Milton Allimadi
U.S. Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont has called for an investigation of a suspicious December automobile incident involving a leading opposition figure abroad after the Ugandan said he was the victim of an "attempted assassination." |
Separately, the U.S. Department of State says it's also keeping an eye on the incident involving Olara Otunnu, a former United Nations Undersecretary General and now a prospective presidential candidate on the opposition ticket in the 2011 Ugandan elections.
A Ugandan foreign affairs minister denied there was an attempt to kill Otunnu.
On December 21, 2009, Otunnu reportedly narrowly avoided death when his car was forced off the road when, he says, vehicles belonging to President Yoweri K. Museveni's Presidential Guard Brigade (PGB) suddenly veered in front of his car, after first giving his driver the okay to overtake the slow-moving military convoy. Museveni wasn't part of the convoy.
Otunnu was headed to Kampala , Uganda 's capital. Both he and Museveni had been at a religious ceremony in the city of Gulu the previous day. Otunnu returned to Uganda last year after 23 years in exile.
In a wide-ranging interview on The Voice of America 's "Straight Talk Africa," program on January 13, Otunnu said "There is no doubt in my mind that it was an attempted assassination," referring to the December 21, 2009, incident.
"The Congress is aware of that incident and it has been brought to the attention of the Obama Administration," said Tim Rieser, a foreign policy staffmember for Senator Patrick Leahy, Chairman of the Appropriations subcommittee which funds U.S. foreign aid programs.
"Senator Leahy is concerned about it and believes it should be investigated."
A State Department spokesperson in a statement echoed Leahy's position: "We are aware of the reports that in December Olaro Otunno was involved in a car accident that may have occurred under suspicious circumstances. We take allegations of any attempt at political intimidation very seriously and have been monitoring the situation closely."
"While there are concerns about the progress of Uganda 's democratic development, we are working to support peaceful, free and fair elections in 2011," added the State Department spokesperson. "Our Embassy in Kampala has been working diligently for many months in preparation for these elections and will continue to do so in the coming months."
In an interview Otunnu welcomed the call by U.S. officials as well as from people within Uganda for an investigation of the December incident. "The Ugandan government must respond," he said, when asked how such an investigation could start.
Otunnu said the investigating entity, whether it is Ugandan, or an East African regional body, or an international organization, must be totally independent of the Ugandan government.
Uganda's foreign affairs minister for international relations, Oryem Henry Okello, denied that there was an assassination bid.
"I do not believe it was an attempted assassination," he said. "The government of Uganda has no intention of assassinating Olara Otunnu or anybody else for that matter."
He said the incident was already being investigated by the police.
"All those who hope to participate in the political process, be it Olara Otunnu or others, are attempting to make statements trying to create some advantage or gain publicity," heading into the 2011 election, he said.
"We welcome the interest of the United States government and we welcome the interest of our friends around the world," he added. "We have to be very careful about such statements."
Since President Obama's Accra Speech last year, in which he called for a shift from one-man rule to democrat institutions in African countries, there's been some shift in U.S.-Africa policy, and in the case of Uganda , a notable one.
As reported by The Black Star News on Wednesday, the U.S. Congress has issued a directive as part of the 2010 appropriations bill calling on Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to closely monitor the Uganda election, including the preparation, the independence of the Election Commission, the credibility and verifiability of the voter registry, posting of results at polling stations, freedom of movement and assembly, freedom of the media as well as the security of all candidates. What's more, she's to issue a report every four months and another 30 days after the election.
There are indications that U.S. patience with the Museveni government has worn thin.
"The Congress does not take sides in the election. It is up to the people of Uganda to decide who their president or representatives will be. But the United States does care that the electoral process is free and fair," Rieser, the aide to Senator Leahy, continued.
He said the incident involving Otunnu is illustrative of why the Congress included the directive calling for security and protection of candidates. (A State Department spokesperson wouldn't say if the Otunnu incident will be covered in Secretary Clinton's first report, in March, on the status of compliance with the directive).
He said the Ugandan government is aware of the Congress's concerns. Rieser said the Congressional directive was included because there is disappointment that the Ugandan government has not moved toward a multi-party democracy as many had hoped and expected.
"There was recognition that coming out of the disastrous Idi Amin and Milton Obote eras it would take some time for the country to recover and for democratic institutions to develop. But a long time has elapsed and people have become impatient," he added.
"Senator Leahy has visited Uganda and he has seen the progress that has been made. As chairman of the Appropriations subcommittee that funds U.S. foreign aid programs, he has supported many hundreds of millions of dollars in aid for Uganda . But like others he wants real democracy to develop there. There is concern with reports that the government is limiting opportunities for political parties to organize."
Rieser continued: "Congress wants to see the media able to broadcast and publish freely, political parties able to operate without harassment or threats, and the balloting to be free and fair. By signaling its interest and requiring the Secretary of State to regularly report on these matters, the Congress is saying that it intends to follow this process closely."
When asked what would happen if the Secretary of State submitted a report showing shortcomings by the Uganda government in meeting the standards outlined in the directive, he said if there were credible evidence that the government was impeding the role of the media and political parties, then "we would convey those concerns" to the Ugandan government and the manner in which the election is conducted would have an impact on aid from the U.S.
Henry Okello, the Ugandan minister, rejected Leahy's position, saying Uganda has a vigorous multi-party system. He said Leahy was "misinformed and behind the times" because Uganda had several opposition parties, such as the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), the Uganda People's Congress(UPC), and independent legislators, with opposition Members of Parliament.
"This is Africa . They should be patient," Henry Okello continued. "This is not America or Europe . We are on our way to where the United States and Europe are today."
The Black Star News has confirmed that Otunnu was a driving force behind the Congressional directive, which explains why the language is specifically tailored to address obstacles that opposition parties in Uganda have complained about in the past.
The Ugandan is said to have met several times with key U.S. lawmakers and after several presentations was able to help shift direction of a rigid foreign policy establishment. Any doubts amongst U.S. lawmakers were erased after the December 21 road incident in Uganda , people familiar with the matter say. Months before, Otunnu had stressed the need for the directive to cover the security and protection of all candidates.
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